The right to use the Catalan language in education

An in-depth analysis on the compliance of Spain’s national laws in accordance with the European Regional level


Under the rule of dictator Franco, students were not allowed to learn Catalan due to an outright language ban. The prolonged hardship of four decades finally halted with his death in 1975. As a result, the post-Franco era saw a resurrection of Catalan.

The Spanish Constitution 1978(Constitution), under Art.3(1), mentions Castilian as the official language. Additionally, it recognises “other Spanish languages” under Art.3(2). They refer to the minority languages Catalan, Basque and Galician, which are also co-official languages of Spain. Catalan is spoken in many areas but mainly in Catalonia, the Balearic islands, and Valencia.

Additionally, statutes were tailored for the specific autonomous communities. Subsequently, the 1979 Statute of Autonomy of Cataloniawas created. At the EU level, Spain has assumed international legal obligations toward protecting the linguistic rights of the Catalan minorities in the educational context.

Generally, the fundamental means of preserving these rights is attributable to a well- functioning educational system. The compulsory stage notably begins at the elementary level. However, recently Catalan was constitutionally challenged, which instigated fear of another suppression of their linguistic rights.The European framework governing the right to use minority languages in primary education

At the European level, the leges speciales, comprise the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages (Charter) and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities(FCNM), whereby Spain ratified both.

The European framework governing the right to use minority languages in primary education

At the European level, the leges speciales, comprise the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages9 (Charter) and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities10 (FCNM), whereby Spain ratified both.

The Charter

According to De Witte11, the core attribute of the Charter is its “à la carte approach”, whereby Member States (MS) have a discretion to choose which regional/minority languages they wish to protect according to the different provisions.

Art.8 deals specifically with education. Art.8(1) states that “…the Parties undertake, within the territory in which such languages are used, … and without prejudice to the teaching of the official language(s) of the State:”. In effect, Art.8(1) relates solely to the territory where each regional/minority language is practised12. The interpretation of this provision is set as a condition, in that Parties can only provide the minority language as long as it does not disrupt the parallel teaching of the official language.

In relation to primary level education, Spain has assumed its obligations under Art.8(1)(b)(i) and Art.(8)(1)(h). The former states that MS are required “to make available primary education in the relevant regional or minority languages.”. The latter conveys that they are required “to provide the basic and further training of the teachers required to implement…” the said provisions to which the MS have accepted.

In regard to Art.8(1)(b)(i), this implies that MS are required to provide the minority language at the primary level. Additionally, Art.8(1)(h), is an equivalent provision for teachers, which completes the whole process of “making the language available”, as MS arrequired to  ensure the competence of their teaching staff at this level.


Under the FCNM, there are no provisions specific to primary education. Instead, the relevant articles cover linguistic rights at all levels. In contrast to the Charter, the characteristic of these articles embraces a collective aspect rather than individualised components13.

According to Thornberry14, the sub-articles of Art.12 FCNM are interconnected when dealing with the curriculum, inter-communal educational contacts, and access to education. Art.12(1) is a firm injunction that compels MS to take actions in the fields of education where “appropriate”, “…to foster knowledge” of both the minority languages and that of the majority. In essence, Art.12(1) must be executed in a critical and objective way, that is free from ideological manipulation such as xenophobic concepts and delivered with value to human rights15.

Additionally, Art.12(2) requires that MS shall “inter alia provide adequate opportunities for teaching and access to textbooks, and facilitate contacts among student and teachers of different communities.”. The term “inter alia” enables a widened scope for MS to materialise its obligations under Art.12(1). Additionally, “facilitate” refers to simplifying the process of socialisation.

Lastly, Art.12(3) is based on the principle of equality. It necessitates that MS “…promote equal opportunities for access to education at all levels for persons belonging to national minorities.”. This provision can be interpreted in two ways, either it implies that all national minorities are given the same equal rights, or that national minorities are given the same equal rights as that of the majority.

Furthermore, Art.14(1) obligates MS to allow a national minority to learn their language. It states that “…every person belonging to a national minority has the right to learn his or her minority language.”. Additionally, Art.14(2) reiterates “adequate opportunities” in relation to being taught or to “receive instruction” in the “minority language”. Although, Art.12(3) acts as a caveat to Art.14(2) in that it can only be activated as long as it does not prejudice the learning/teaching of the official language of the State. In effect, the whole provision is directly aimed at education by the use of the terms “learn” and “teach”. Hence, Art.14 FCNM protects not only the linguistic rights but also the identity of the national minorities16.

Therefore, at the European level, both instruments complement each other in terms of guaranteeing a wide scope of protection to the linguistic rights attached to the use of minority languages at a primary level of education.

The Spanish national laws governing the right to use Catalan in primary education

With the education system being decentralised in Spain, the Autonomous Communities are given constitutional powers to control education. This entails that the Generalitat (the Catalonian Government), inter alia, bears an obligation to protect linguistic rights in education17.

The Regional laws

The leges speciales applicable to primary education are The Reform of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia 200618 (Estatut) and The Linguistic Policy Act 199819(LPA). Under the Estatut, the relevant provision is Art.35, “Linguistic rights in the field of education”, which corresponds to Chapter III, “Education” of the LPA, more precisely, Art.20, “The language of education” and Art.21, “Non-university education” and Art.24, “Teaching staff”. Therefore, they shall be examined by themes.

The right to use Catalan in primary education is derived from Art.35(1)-(2) of the Estatut and Art.20, Art.21(1), and Art.21(3) of the LPA. Both Art.35(1)-(2) establish the right for every person “to receive an education in Catalan” at the “non-university level”. The term “non- university” refers to all education below this level which includes the primary level.

Furthermore, Art.35(2), in respect to the students, combines both a right and an obligation “to have sufficient oral and written knowledge of Catalan and Castilian upon completing compulsory education…”. Additionally, the said provision provides that both languages “…shall be sufficiently represented in the curricula.”. Art.21(3) guarantees the same but with reference to “teaching” instead of “learning”.

Upon completion of their primary education, students are granted a school-leaving certificate on the condition that they are proficient in both Catalan and Castilian20. Hence, both statutes systematically support the right to be educated at a primary level.

Moreover, the powerful combination of the right and obligation under the Estatut presents the following legal implication. The stringency of the obligation holds a higher threshold than “duty”21. Therefore, reinforcing the normative practises of the legal entitlement provided by the right. The obligation further insulates the said right by its legally binding attribute22. Thus, clearly aiming at its preservation.

In addition to Catalan being recognised as the official language of Catalonia together with Castilian23, it is also the “own language”24 which means native to Catalonia. The rights attached to its native and official value are derived from Art.6 of the Estatut which conveys that Catalan “…is the language of normal use for teaching and learning in the education system.” This notion is further carried under Art.35(1) of the Estatut, Art.20(2) and Art.21(1) of the LPA.

Under the provisions, the LPA emphasises the “vehicular” characteristic of Catalan as a means to achieve its normalisation in the bilingual model. Art.20(2) further requires

“educational establishments at all levels” to use Catalan “in their educational and administrative activities, both internally and externally.”. This implies that the ambit of the rights is not limited to elementary classrooms. The word “externally” denotes that Catalan extends to extra-curricular activities. Additionally, as Costa25 conveys, references to “non- university” under the Estatut and “all educational establishments” cover private and public schools. Reciprocally, the linguistic rights are further enhanced by Art.24(1), ensuring the competence of teachers. The teaching staff must “know” Catalan and Castilian and apply them to their “teaching tasks”.

In terms of prohibition of discrimination, both Art.35(3) of the Estatut and Art.21(5) of the LPA state that students shall not be separated, be it in centres or class groups, on the grounds of their habitual language. In essence, this provision protects against the “individualised treatment”26, which can occur in two ways either by treating Castilian as superior to Catalan or vice versa. Given the vulnerable age of students at the primary level, that is from six to twelve, these provisions are fundamental and facilitate the enjoyment of the rights.

Hence, it is evident that the leges speciales, the linguistic rights provide for full validation and legal effectiveness to any primary school students practising those rights.

The Constitution

By virtue of all Catalonians being Spanish citizens, the right to education is protected in a more general manner under the Constitution. Art.27(1) notably states that, “Everyone has the right to education…”. Art.27(4) further conveys that “Elementary education is compulsory and free.”. Hence, Art.27 interpreted in light of the constitutional acknowledgement of the statutes in the autonomous communities, confers that the scope of protection extends to the linguistic rights in education being protected also under the Constitution.

The compliance with the European regional level of Spain’s national laws regarding the right to use the Catalan language in education

While Spain does not formally recognise national minorities under its Constitution and legal system28, the State still acknowledges its international obligations to preserve and respect the linguistic rights of those minorities29. However, Catalonians were of the view that the constitutional challenges to Catalan were an obstruction to these rights.

The Legal Challenges

Despite the Estatut approved by the Catalonian and Spanish governments and a binding referendum, the Constitutional Court’s ruling in 201030 declared Art.6(1) of the Estatut, as unconstitutional. In addition to Catalan being the “language of normal use”, it was previously also the language of “preferential use”31. The Court stated that it imposed “…the prescription of a priority use of one of them…”32. The term was consequently struck out. This decision directly impacted on Art.35(1)-(2) of the Estatut as they are now to be interpreted in accordance with the ruling.

Since Catalan is the native language of Catalonia, it predominantly suggests that it is “preferential”. Consequently, the sentiment was that Spain had acted ultra vires, as it defeated the notion of “own language”. In effect, the bilingual model does not imply that both languages are taught in equal proportions, rather that both are included in the educational system33. The Catalonian linguistic regime notably, treats Castilian as a language immersed into the curricula34. Nonetheless, the ruling declared that “Castilian is to be introduced as the language of instruction “proportionately and equally to Catalan at all class levels.”35. Thus, perceived as highly prejudicial to Catalan.

In 2021, the Spanish Supreme Court ordered the Generalitat to provide for at least twenty- five percent of teaching hours for the main subjects36. Where Castilian, in the existing linguistic model, only formed part of five to ten percent of the teaching hours, which amounts to approximately two hours per week at the elementary level.

Compliance with the Charter

Nevertheless, the Committee of Experts’ (CoE) assessment, in its third report38, conveyed that the 2010’s ruling did not affect Spain’s compliance with the Charter “especially with respect to education”39. According to the CoE’s assessment40 and Ramallo’s41, Spain in choosing “(b)(i)” (first sub-paragraph), implies a high level of commitment which normally entails satisfying also (ii) and (iii)42. Those sub-paragraphs require Spain to provide a “substantial part” of the education at primary level in Catalan, and the teaching forming “…an integral part of the curriculum”43.

Therefore, in reference to “make available”, under Art.(b)(i) of the Charter, the CoE deduced that the ruling had essentially set a precedent for parents to have the discretion to allow their children to be educated in Castilian only and that Catalan was to be considered optional44. Additionally, the commitment under Art.8(h) entails that it accounts for any discrepancies in the “de facto situation of regional or minority languages”45. In Catalonia, this would refer to normalising the education of Castilian in parallel to Catalan. The selection of the said provision further implies that Spain has chosen a provision which wording46 adapts to the legal framework applied to Catalan in Catalonia

Nevertheless, the CoE still requested Spain to report on how the ruling impacted on Catalan. As a matter of fact, the CoE’s fourth48 and fifth report49, had assessed that Spain indeed guaranteed Catalan in primary education. Therefore, fulfilling all of its obligations in respect to the selected provisions under Art.8 of the Charter

Compliance with the FCNM

In contrast to the above reports, all five FCNM reports submitted by Spain, specifically focus on the Roma Community. However, the Advisory Committee (AC) conveys, that this does not limit the protection of rights of other Communities.

The notion of “equality”54 in terms of access to education under Art.12 of the FCNM, notably entails that, the latitude of the rights are not limited to the learning/teaching of Catalan in classrooms. The scope of protection of these rights extend to “educational activities outside regular school hours.”.

In effect, Art.20(2) LPA provides for “external activities”. The provision is further reinforced by Art.44 of the Estatut, “Education, research and culture”, whereby public authorities have a duty to “promote and encourage” family members and provide access to “extra-curricular educational activities”. This implies that when primary school students leave their classrooms, they are legally provided the right to practise Catalan in whichever activities they please. The right for students ultimately gives rise to opportunities for teachers. Therefore, the Spanish laws not only conform with the FCNM, but are construed to preserve the language by its active stimulation.

In accordance with Art.14 of the FCNM both the LPA 1998 and the Estatut are coherent in conveying the “right to learn”58 Catalan. The term is synonymous to “the right to receive an education in Catalan” under the Estatut and the notion follows under the provisions of the LPA which guarantee the right to use Catalan in education. Additionally, The AC elucidated that it assessed whether national minorities were given the right to learn their “own language” and if there were any limitations to the exercise of the said right59. In effect, the right to use their “own language” is found under both statutes with the only condition being that it does not prejudice Castilian. The principle of equality is evidently enshrined in both statutes given that the bilingual linguistic equilibrium is vehemently iterated. Hence, the Spanish laws comply with Art.14 of the FCNM


To conclude, the Charter’s à la carte method enabled Spain the discretion to choose obligations positively in accordance with primary education under Art.8. The CoE reports, notably, reflected the consecutive fulfilments and compliance. Despite the constitutional battles that directly impacted the primary level of education, the guarantee of the Catalan language and its rights to Catalonia remain unchanged. Additionally, the right to know their own language did not neglect Castilian and its rights in the reintegration of the bilingual educational system, which is a prerequisite under the Charter.

Concerning the FCNM, the Estatut and the LPA, conformed at a more profound level than the mere literal wording of the provisions. Thus, allowing primary school students the right to enjoy Catalan above and beyond the rigid school framework.

Lastly, the provisions under the national laws, in letter and spirit, aim to protect the rights and preserve them. Thus, overall, Spain’s national laws are in full compliance at the European regional level.

By Samia Mallam-Hasham


El pasado mayo, el Congreso de la República del Perú promulgó el Proyecto de Ley N° 094, el cual condiciona la publicación de materiales educativos al consentimiento de madres y padres de familia. Tal como dice la ley, los padres y madres pueden influir en la elaboración de los materiales que se usarían en las escuelas:

“Los representantes de las APAFA, comités, asociaciones civiles u otras instancias de representación inscritas (…) designarán a los representantes que participarán en el proceso de elaboración del contenido de materiales, textos y recursos educativos conforme al procedimiento que se establezca en el respectivo reglamento.”

Ante eso, la Defensoría del Pueblo manifestó que: “La promulgación de esta ley afectaría el derecho a la educación e implementación de la educación sexual integral (ESI), e impediría al Minedu garantizar su cumplimiento en un contexto recurrente de violencia y embarazos en niñas y adolescentes mujeres”

Asimismo, la entidad comunicó lo siguiente: “Nuestra institución considera que el condicionamiento de la publicación de materiales educativos al consentimiento previo de progenitores, constituiría un peligroso precedente para todas las políticas públicas, pues institucionalizaría -a través de una ley- un derecho a veto por parte de personas con creencias o prejuicios, generando inestabilidad y falta de seguridad jurídica para la protección de los derechos humanos de las personas, y particularmente, de las y los estudiantes”

En la actualidad, el Ministerio de Educación del Perú es la Entidad encargada de elaborar estos materiales educativos. En el año 2016, nació el Movimiento “Con Mis Hijos No te metas”, el cual se opone a la Educación con Enfoque de Género en las Escuelas. En el año 2017, este movimiento se opuso al Currículo Nacional, el cual incluía un temario con enfoque de género, con la finalidad que la educación sea inclusiva y que se pueda prevenir embarazos adolescentes.

Actualmente, este movimiento mantiene su discurso y al aprobar la ley 094 daría libre albedrío a que estos intereses particulares sean parte de la elaboración de materiales educativos. No se puede negar que peligra el derecho de niñas, niños y adolescentes al no recibir una educación sexual integral y libre de discriminación. Con esta norma en vigencia, grupos conservadores pueden aprobar o desaprobar materiales educativos bajo su propia perspectiva, limitando la educación con enfoque de género y retrasando los pocos avances que se han podido dar en el país.

En un país con una alta tasa de violencia hacia la mujer, embarazos adolescentes y prejuicios, sí es necesaria la Educación con Enfoque de Género. Necesitamos que nuestra infancia y nuestra adolescencia tenga una educación de calidad y crecer en un ambiente seguro donde los prejuicios cada día se derriban más. Asimismo, ya existen experiencias en las escuelas donde la Educación Sexual Integral ha logrado disminuir los casos de embarazo adolescente. Urge la intervención del Estado y que día a día los intereses de grupos conservadores tengan menor participación en leyes que afectan a toda una nación. Un país sin machismo ni discriminación, es un país sin violencia.

Ana Claudia Baltazar Diaz

“Unprepared for motherhood”: stories of stigma among Rwandan adolescent mothers

Unwanted pregnancies are on the rise among Rwandan girls, posing a serious challenge. Teenage mothers’ current reality is heartbreaking. They are frequently discriminated against in society; they are judged, labeled, and have limited access to reproductive health, rights, and education, which puts them at higher risk of sexual abuse and exploitation. When a young mother is abandoned, ignored, or rejected, it has a direct detrimental impact on her life and that of her child(ren), but the ripple effect can also be felt in the future growth of a country. Reducing Teen pregnancy is a priority for the Rwandan government as well as development partners.

The majority of these teen mothers rely on family members for support. Mistreatment and abuse are frequently associated with this, negatively impacting their mental health and well-being.

Experts claim that pregnancies in girls under the age of 18 have irreversible implications. They point out that adolescent births violate girls’ rights, have life-threatening repercussions in terms of sexual and reproductive health, and cost communities a lot of money in terms of development, prolonging the poverty cycle.

According to Rwanda’s National Institute of Statistics, infant deaths and deaths in the first week of life are 50% greater among babies born to adolescent mothers than among babies born to mothers in their 20s (NISR).

Origin of the issue

The ‘culture of silence’ has emerged as one of the major factors contributing to the surge in teen pregnancies. Because of family ties, fear of social alienation, and financial incentives, some families continue to cover up for the adults involved in impregnating adolescent girls. The causes of teen pregnancy are clearly a complex and interconnected set of issues that necessitate multilevel and multi-component remedies.

Thousands of adolescent girls drop out of school or face discrimination or exclusion from schools each year in Africa because they are pregnant or have become mothers. Hundreds of thousands of girls became pregnant as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic, according to reports, while schools were closed, sexual violence in communities increased, and protective systems for girls remained weak.

What can be done

Supporting comprehensive sexuality education in schools and improving youth-friendly services can help to address these issues. Governments, civil society organizations, and communities themselves must collaborate to address issues ranging from education to service provision, as well as the entrenched cultural norms that limit access and uptake.  Addition work to prevent and combat gender-based violence is equally crucial. Families must be taught to forgive and not stigmatize these children.

Ronald Kimuli

Green Wave: Women’s struggles for Legal Abortion in Latin American

Abortion is still a highly contested issue, whether for patriarchal, religious or social reasons. Latin American women are still fighting for their rights. The message is clear: Women will have the decision about their bodies. The aim of the movement is to put on the agenda the situation of women in relation to their reproductive health, which needs reform. Also, the importance of having sexual education in schools.

Under the motto of legal, safe and free abortion; Latin American women protest in favor of abortion, pointing to as a precedent the history of many women who have aborted in secrecy and precariousness (most of them died). Likewise, abortion is criminalized in many countries of the continent, leaving women in a state of vulnerability.

Status of the legalization of abortion in Latin America

Actually, only in 5 countries is the interruption of pregnancy legalized (within the established deadlines) :

  • Colombia
  • Argentina
  • Uruguay
  • Cuba
  • Puerto Rico
  • In the case of Mexico, it is only legalized in the cities of Mexico City and Oaxaca

In the rest of the Latin American countries, abortion is only allowed in specific cases: when the life of the mother or the baby is in danger, or in cases of sexual abuse;  with the exception of countries such as Honduras, El Salvador, Haiti and the Dominican Republic, where abortion is criminalized in its entirety.

The Green Wave Movement

Under a perspective of intersectional and anti-capitalist feminism, the movement of the Green Wave arises. This movement originates in Argentina, where under the use of green scarves and with the participation of women of all ages and all social strata, legal, safe and free abortion is collectively demanded in the nation.

The “Argentinian Green Wave” influenced women’s collectives in other Latin American countries, where women’s collectives hold performances and songs where not only the legalization of abortion is demanded, but also slogans such as “the patriarchy is going to fall” are exposed. Thus generating a new social movement and debating in various spaces on the subject, but above all, generating an awakening in many women, who for the first time join a collective struggle in defense of their rights and the rights of thousands of women.

The discourses of the Green Wave not only influence thousands of women on the continent, but also generate new practices in the community, through which a community of struggle can be observed in an area where women survive on a daily basis and whose rights are not protected for centuries. The speech of “que sea ley” and “el patriarcado se va a caer” has come to stay until the fight is victory.

Movement Challenges

In Latin America, there is a strong presence not only of the Catholic Church, but also of Christian and Evangelical churches. These churches still have social influence and are against the legalization of abortion. Although there are secular states in Latin America, there are also conservative societies. Essentially, this creates pressure in society for policies that limit women’s rights.

Latin American women not only face this problem, but also problems with patriarchal structures. In a continent where there is wide inequality and those who are affected are women from low social strata, as well as women who are victims of a patriarchy that tries to dominate them the main challenge is to put women’s reproductive rights on the agenda, and in an attempt to make visible the need for public policies that address the issue, the community unites women from all nations, with the hope that tomorrow abortion will be legal for all.

Ana Claudia Baltazar Diaz

Ley de empoderamiento de las mujeres peruanas rurales e indígenas: Un reto para la igualdad


El pasado 08 de marzo, el Congreso Peruano,  promulgó la Ley 31168 (la cual fue aprobada el día 14 de abril): Ley que promueve el empoderamiento de las mujeres rurales e indígenas, el cual tiene como objetivo fortalecer, a través de acciones afirmativas, el empoderamiento, la igualdad de oportunidades y el desarrollo integral de las mujeres rurales e indígenas, potenciando su autonomía económica, cultural, social, a través de la capacitación y el financiamiento productivo[i].

Al implementar esta ley, se busca que las mujeres peruanas de zonas rurales fortalezcan sus capacidades y de esta manera puedan acceder a mayores oportunidades de desarrollo económico y social; asimismo, las mismas pueden ser más independientes en diversos ámbitos, siendo protagonistas en las cadenas productivas rurales, e incluso, en temas de interés actual como la producción agrícola y el desarrollo sostenible, dentro de un mundo rural en el cual, por tradición, el hombre es el encargado de liderar la cadena económica y social de cada grupo social.

Mujeres y empoderamiento

Actualmente, aproximadamente hay más de 3 millones 500 mil mujeres que habitan en las zonas rurales del país, según datos del Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI). Las mujeres rurales e indígenas cumplen un papel importante en el desarrollo de sus comunidades, de sus familias y como proveedoras de alimentación ganadera y agricultora a nivel nacional.

Abrir en discusión la desigualdad de género existente y empoderar a las mujeres en las cadenas productivas, aporta a brindar herramientas para su crecimiento a través de capacitaciones, debido a que este es un avance para ir reduciendo la brecha existente de género y que tanto las empresas privadas que realicen proyectos de esta índole como el sector público que genera políticas sociales, asegurando el empoderamiento de la mujer rural e indígena, el acceso a una igualdad de oportunidades rompiendo un sistema patriarcal en el cual la mujer ya empieza a tener mayor protagonismo, asegurando su desarrollo sostenible en el tiempo.

Visibilizar la labor que realizan las mujeres en zonas rurales a través de su empoderamiento, contribuiría a que la mujer tome mayor acción en el desarrollo económico rural, mejorando de esta manera los beneficios de las mismas y siendo agentes de cambio para el cambio de las estructuras rurales (pobreza, desigualdad, accesos a servicios, etc.)


Parte de los objetivos de la ODS 5 (Lograr la igualdad entre los géneros y empoderar a todas las mujeres y las niñas) son: a. Emprender reformas que otorguen a las mujeres igualdad de derechos a los recursos económicos, así como acceso a la propiedad y al control de la tierra y otros tipos de bienes, los servicios financieros, la herencia y los recursos naturales, de conformidad con las leyes nacionales, b. Mejorar el uso de la tecnología instrumental, en particular la tecnología de la información y las comunicaciones, para promover el empoderamiento de las mujeres, y c.  Aprobar y fortalecer políticas acertadas y leyes aplicables para promover la igualdad de género y el empoderamiento de todas las mujeres y las niñas a todos los niveles.

Las mujeres rurales e indígenas realizan actividades de diversos tipos, entre ellas son labradoras de terrenos agrícolas. A su vez, garantizan en muchos casos la alimentación de sus comunidades y son activas voces frente a los cambios sociales y climáticos que se viven actualmente.

Históricamente, el sistema patriarcal en la sociedad peruana es la base de diversos contextos sociales, lo cual se ha derivado en existentes brechas de desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres en múltiples sistemas de producción. En las zonas rurales e indígenas, muchos derechos de las mujeres son vulnerados a través de la inequidad de accesos y fortalecimiento en contexto sociales, económicos, políticos y culturales, lo cual se ve representado en la falta de acceso a fortalecimiento de oportunidades y capacitaciones que podría dar herramientas para mejorar la productividad de las mujeres rurales.

Empoderando a las mujeres rurales e indígenas (Y también abriendo un camino a las niñas rurales) no sólo cumpliría el ODS 5, sino también generaría que los derechos de las mujeres se cumplan, y que sean incluídas en un espacio del cuál ya son parte, sin embargo, son invisibilizadas, generando que no solo sean incluidas, sino también las niñas sientan que se está abriendo camino a una nueva sociedad en la cual serán consideradas y podrán tener las mismas oportunidades que los hombres.

El Gobierno Peruano no sólo debe asegurar el cumplimiento de la Ley 31168, sino también debe generar mayor políticas públicas hacia un sector que no ha tenido mayor voz en un país no solo patriarcal, sino también desigual entre clases sociales.

[i] Diario Oficial “El Peruano”. Lima: Congreso de la República (15.03.2021). Ley Nº 31168

Ana Claudia Baltazar Diaz

Being a Woman in Afghanistan

In Afghanistan, as almost everywhere in the world, a person’s family is the most important part of his or her identity in society, and a family’s honor is a key factor in how other families evaluate its social standing. Women’s rights and fairness, which are components of human rights, are supported by Islamic law and philosophy, which has its goals in the realization of justice, fairness, and dignity for all people. Afghan legal documents likewise supports gender equality and fairness, as seen by the 1964 Constitution.

In a general view of the situation of women in Afghanistan, in the first step, I consider it necessary to have a comparative view in order to clarify the situation of women before and after the Islamic Emirate. Has imposed a history on the women of Afghanistan. Also, at the macro level, there are three basic questions in the discussion of the current of feminism; During the reign of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan (r. 1880–1901), a women’s rights movement arose in Afghanistan.

First: Why did women get into this situation?

Secondly: How did she become isolated?

Thirdly: What were the consequences for women?

These are the three basic questions of the current of feminism, the answer to which can be found in three waves, which here is not an opportunity to examine the waves of formation of the current of feminism, and it must be said that its head is the beliefs of men and beliefs that It has historically perpetrated oppression and discrimination against women, but so has it in Afghanistan. In ancient times, the view was that women who could not go hunting and could not provide alimony, and then the thesis of practical work and work outside the home was pushed out and forced to go home and spend time working around the house arena.

Tribal laws and punishments have frequently taken precedent over Islamic and constitutional laws in determining gender roles, particularly in rural areas where family hierarchies exist. Women’s positions and rights have been jeopardized by tribal power maneuvers, honor structures, and inter-tribe displays of patriarchal control. Hence, making men’s historical views spread to everyone.

In Afghanistan values ​​and culture are subject to belief and religion, and it depends on the religious practices whether religion is tolerant or not.

Afghan women today

Women’s rights were significantly improving in Afghanistan over some years when relatively few national and international institutions and authorities were active in defending and protecting women’s rights. Women were present in government offices, political jobs, social activities, and there were the largest conferences and programs for women. Women were allowed to talk freely because their presence in administrative positions and women voters in elections.

 However, while these advantages and possibilities were available to women in Kabul, women and girls in Afghanistan’s countryside remained primarily trapped in religious practices with little news of political and civic activity rights. There was no work, even to the point where their basic human rights were unknown, and for the past two decades, the space for Afghan women and girls has been generally open, with opportunities for growth and education, yet all these efforts to attain rights were gone and dreams became unachievable with the arrival of the current regime which is conservative.

Women’s faces have been barred from all forms of media, including advertisements and television; schools for girls have been closed; and women are not allowed to leave their houses without a male companion.

According to a 2019 poll performed by UN Women and Promundo and summarized by Reuters, only 15% of Afghan males feel women should be permitted to work after marriage, and two-thirds worry that Afghan women have “too many rights.”

There appears to be little hope that conditions will improve in the near future, given the Taliban’s failure to follow through on their first promises regarding women’s rights. The only way out is to persuade the rest of the world of the magnitude of the situation and apply diplomatic pressure on the Taliban to fulfill their promises.

Rahel Saya

Fighting violence against women both in peace and war

The Resolution 1325 on “Women, Peace and Security”, unanimously approved by the UN Security Council on 31 October 2000, is the first ever to explicitly mention the impact of war on women and their contribution to conflict resolution for lasting peace.

Since its creation, the “Women, Peace and Security” agenda (WPS) has emerged as a key component of the international security framework and in this agenda the location of Resolution 1325 is well recognized and appreciated. The historic resolution marked the international community’s full attention to the gender aspects of peace and conflict and its commitment to the active involvement of women in formal peace processes.

It was one of the most crucial UN resolutions on peace and security policy as it mandated all Member States to adopt specific policies to ensure women’s active involvement in peace. It made a case for gender-inclusive peacebuilding and called for full participation of women in all efforts toward peacemaking, conflict prevention and resolution, and post-conflict reconstruction. But twenty-two years later, the recent dramatic events in Ukraine and the consequent humanitarian crisis highlight once again the need to more explicitly and comprehensively develop and integrate a human rights strategy that shifts the focus from a reactive to a proactive model that pursues gender equality and women’s rights regardless of whether conflicts break out or not.

Despite the complex network of frameworks, initiatives, plans and training programmes, the overall participation of women in peace processes is still troubling. The numerical strength of women at peace tables remains alarmingly low. The UN Women’s 2015 report, while appreciating limited progress, notes that much of the progress towards the implementation of resolution 1325 continues to be measured in “firsts”, rather than as standard practice. Obstacles and challenges still persist and hinder gender equality in peace processes, sexual and gender-based violence in conflict areas remains high, women remain marginal in peace processes with less than 4% as signatories to peace agreements and less than 10% as negotiators at peace tables and processes.

However, the rather modest substantial progress in increasing women’s participation in peace and security structures and processes should not diminish the importance and necessity of such action, but it should alert us to the fact that the women and security aspect of the WPS agenda is limited in its ability to produce more transformative responses and to alter gender power relations and the subordination of women in society.

It is widely accepted that in particular women and children are the population most affected by the consequences of a conflict, this is evident nowadays when looking at the reckless wave of violence in Ukraine against the civilian population and especially against women. Reports of violence against Ukrainian women have increased since the start of the Russian invasion. In this regard, the lawyer Yulia Anosova – who was involved in defending women in Ukraine even before all this started – pointed out the difficulty of collecting the testimonies and complaints of these understandably frightened and traumatised women.

Considering the above and the fact that the WPS agenda has pursued a reactive paradigm whereby policies and institutional responses have been oriented towards addressing conflict and post-conflict situations, paying little attention to the concept of “women and peace”, it is true that the “women and peace” and “women and conflict” aspects of WPS may be on a continuum but it is also true that they require distinct modes of intervention. A human rights-infused WPS preventive agenda should be preceded on the one hand by a clear understanding and endorsement of the meaning of gender equality and on the other by the creation of mechanisms and processes that strengthen the role of international and regional human rights regimes. In particular, strong regional human rights systems have the potential to create forums for participation and interaction with national constituencies in the region. This may in turn lead to the development of participatory and context-sensitive solutions based on international human rights law to existing forms of discrimination against women, which during conflicts can be exacerbated, for example, in the form of sexual slavery and abduction as reported in recent and older conflicts.

Francesca Teresi

Afghanistan Needs Voice

The international community’s silence on the humanitarian crisis, terrorist activities and human rights in Afghanistan is worrying. We’ve just receive report of many rights violated:

– Closure of schools for girls;

Although it has been almost a month since the start of the schools in Afghanistan, girls above the sixth class are still not allowed to go to school. A number of political parties, civil society groups and tribal councils in Kabul have called on the Taliban to reopen girls schools as soon as possible and not to allow girls’ schools in Afghanistan to remain closed. The political parties, civil society and tribal councils have issued a statement saying that girls education is red line of the people of Afghanistan and the doors of the schools should not remain closed for girls anymore. They also warned that closed schools for girls would force people to migrate, causing severe economic and political damage to the country.

– Two out of three children in Afghanistan do not have access to adequate food:

Business Standard publication wrote an article quoting international foundations about the fact that the raising hunger and poverty in Afghanistan have had a direct negative impact on the lives of children. Two out of three Afghan children do not have access to adequate food: The source said that the current situation is terrible and the families have been forced to sell their children or force them to do hard labor to get dome money for survival expenses. The International Children’s Fund, or Save the Children, also estimates that nearly five million Afghan children are starving. The agency also noted that the current drought in Afghanistan, political and economic conflicts and the suspension of international aid have affected services for children such as education, health and food security. According to various UN agencies, about 95 percent of Afghans do not have enough food, and children and women are the main culprits.

– Security and political crisis:

The wave of suicide attacks and bombings in the country has generated fear of Afghanistan falling into the hands of terrorist groups. There have been several deadly attacks in Kabul, Balkh and Kunduz in the past few days. A recent attack on civilians targeted a mosque in the Imam Sahib district of Kunduz province, killing more than 40 people and injuring more 50 people. Earlier a mosque in Mazar-e-Sharif and an education center in Kabul were drugged, killing and injuring dozens. The killings of Hazaras and Shiites are the latest wave of violence, and the militant groups currently fighting in Afghanistan are slowly spiraling out of control. Over the past 20 years, they have maintained close ties with al Qaeda, ISIS, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, the Pakistani Taliban, and Lashkar-e-Taiba. Theese groups sees opportunity of rebuild their ranks for West and Central Asia.

Afghanistan is once again at the center of jihadi extremism, The firing of 10 missiles by ISIS on Uzbekistan last week sends a message that the groups are trying to destabilize Afghanistan’s neighbors, which destroyed the geopolitical situation of the region. Economic stagnation, harsh sanctions, exclusion of women and girls from human rights, and the legal vacuum will once again turning Afghanistan into an exporter of terrorism. Recent attacks on civilian targets in Afghanistan have been condemned by many countries and political institutions. The United Nations Assistance Mission in Kabul (UNAMA), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the Norwegian delegation to the United Nations, the United Arab Emirates and a number of other governments and international organizations expressed sorrow over the recent attacks, which killed and injured hundreds of civilians. But humanitarian aid and condemnation of incidents alone cannot solve the problem of Afghans, Humanitarian aid is good, it solves the urgent needs of the people, condemnation of incidents is also a moral generator of courage and hope.

But we must not forget that the security situation in Afghanistan, has a direct impact to the whole world, especially on the region. After the war in Ukraine, Afghanistan seems to have been overlooked by the international community, which will have dire consequences in the future. The international community must not allow this country to once again become a breeding ground for terrorism and terrorist groups to once again become a source of profit for pro-government. It is necessary to find permanent solutions to help Afghanistan achieve sustainable economic growth and save the lives of millions of people. It is needed a structure to connect Afghanistan to the world and establish an agreement between Afghanistan and the U.N. about human rights, women rights, freedom of speech and all the values a democracy need, to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe.

Noorwali Khpalwak, Afghan Journalist, Human Advisor Afghanistan

Questo blog non rappresenta una testata giornalistica in quanto viene aggiornato senza alcuna periodicità . Non può pertanto considerarsi un prodotto editoriale ai sensi della legge n° 62 del 7.03.2001. L’autore non è responsabile per quanto pubblicato dai lettori nei commenti ad ogni post.Verranno cancellati i commenti ritenuti offensivi o lesivi dell’immagine o dell’onorabilità di terzi, di genere spam, razzisti o che contengano dati personali non conformi al rispetto delle norme sulla Privacy. Alcuni testi o immagini inserite in questo blog sono tratte da internet e, pertanto, considerate di pubblico dominio; qualora la loro pubblicazione violasse eventuali diritti d’autore, vogliate comunicarlo via email. Saranno immediatamente rimossi.L’autore del blog non è responsabile dei siti collegati tramite link né del loro contenuto che può essere soggetto a variazioni nel tempo. Di ogni contenuto è responsabile solo l’autore del post.
This blog is not a newspaper as it is updated without any periodicity. It cannot therefore be considered an editorial product within the meaning of Law No. 62 of 7.03.2001.The author is not responsible for what is published by the readers in the comments to each post. Comments deemed offensive or harmful to the image or good repute of third parties, of spam, racist or that contain personal data that does not comply with the Privacy Policy will be deleted.Some texts or images included in this blog are taken from the internet and, therefore, considered in the public domain; if their publication violates any copyright, please communicate it by email. They will be removed immediately. The author of the blog is not responsible for linked sites or their content which may be subject to change over time. Only the author of the post is responsible for the content.


La violencia de género es un problema a nivel mundial, dentro de las prácticas patriarcales persisten en las diferentes sociedades, manteniéndose costumbres que vulneran los derechos y la libertad de las mujeres, mediante la dominación del hombre hacia la mujer y Deesta manera, se encuentra naturalizada la violencia física y psicológica que sufren niñas y mujeres a diario. 

En América Latina y el Caribe, la violencia hacia la mujer parece no tener fin. Según el Observatorio de Igualdad de Género de América Latina y el Caribe, aproximadamente 4.091 mujeres fueron víctimas de feminicidio en 26 países (17 de América Latina y 9 del Caribe) durante el año 2020, siendo Honduras el país con mayor taza de violencia registrado en el continente (4,7 por cada 100.000 mujeres), seguido de República Dominicana (2,4 por cada 100.000 mujeres) y de país El Salvador (2,1 por cada 100.000 mujeres). Todas las mujeres de diversas edades están expuestas. Según la CEPAL, en 18 de los 26 países que están registrados, el rango de edad que registra mayores casos de feminicidio en el año 2000 corresponde a las mujeres cuyas edades eran entre 30 y 44 años (344 mujeres), seguido del grupo de adolescentes y mujeres cuyas edades van entre 15 a 29 años (355 mujeres).

Ante esto, ¿Qué acciones están tomando los gobiernos en los diversos países Latinoamericanos? En el informe «Del compromiso a la acción: políticas para erradicar la violencia contra las mujeres en América Latina y el Caribe», publicado en el año 2017 por PNUD y ONU Mujeres se observa que, 24 países latinoamericanos cuentan con leyes contra la violencia doméstica, pero solamente 16 de estos países han tipificado penalmente el feminicidio. 

Sin embargo, y debido a los continuos casos de feminicidio, desde el año 2015, diversos colectivos de mujeres y ciudadanas en general, protestan continuamente bajo el lema de “Ni Una Menos”, con la finalidad de dar visibilidad a la violencia de género que sufren miles de mujeres latinoamericanas año tras año. Por lo tanto, ante la demanda de los colectivos de movimientos de mujeres, los diversos gobiernos tienen que considerar el diseño de políticas de atención a la mujer violentada, así como los procesos de justicia a los feminicidas, cambiando los estándares patriarcales mediante el cual se vulnera los derechos de las mujeres. Por lo tanto, el problema se tiene que enraizar desde la transformación tanto educativa como social y de la mano con las políticas y el desarrollo de legislaciones que asegure: 1. Ciudades seguras para las mujeres, 2. Análisis y comprensión del daño causado a las mujeres violentadas y a la sociedad en general, 3. Protocolos de atención a las víctimas, 4. Mejora de los procesos legislativos.

La violencia de género es un problema que limita la inclusión de la mujer en todo ámbito. Al reducirla, se construye una sociedad más equitativa y justa. Para ello, se necesita replantear las estrategias existentes y plantear leyes más severas para abordar este problema social, pero sobretodo, para asegurar los derechos humanos de las mujeres, las cuales están despertando día a día y alzan su voz en conjunto haciendo saber a una sociedad machista que no están solas y que juntas se protegen entre ellas para cambiar una realidad violenta hacia las mismas.

Ana Claudia Balthazar Diaz, Sociologist

Questo blog non rappresenta una testata giornalistica in quanto viene aggiornato senza alcuna periodicità . Non può pertanto considerarsi un prodotto editoriale ai sensi della legge n° 62 del 7.03.2001.
L’autore non è responsabile per quanto pubblicato dai lettori nei commenti ad ogni post.Verranno cancellati i commenti ritenuti offensivi o lesivi dell’immagine o dell’onorabilità di terzi, di genere spam, razzisti o che contengano dati personali non conformi al rispetto delle norme sulla Privacy.
Alcuni testi o immagini inserite in questo blog sono tratte da internet e, pertanto, considerate di pubblico dominio; qualora la loro pubblicazione violasse eventuali diritti d’autore, vogliate comunicarlo via email. Saranno immediatamente rimossi.L’autore del blog non è responsabile dei siti collegati tramite link né del loro contenuto che può essere soggetto a variazioni nel tempo.

This blog is not a newspaper as it is updated without any periodicity. It cannot therefore be considered an editorial product within the meaning of Law No. 62 of 7.03.2001.The author is not responsible for what is published by the readers in the comments to each post. Comments deemed offensive or harmful to the image or good repute of third parties, of spam, racist or that contain personal data that does not comply with the Privacy Policy will be deleted.Some texts or images included in this blog are taken from the internet and, therefore, considered in the public domain; if their publication violates any copyright, please communicate it by email. They will be removed immediately. The author of the blog is not responsible for linked sites or their content which may be subject to change over time.

Still Gender Inequality in the 2020’s. Initial thoughts 

We propose a reflection about gender inequality. Will follow others articles in english, spanish and arabic.

Despite all the declared efforts made by corporation boards and press office in terms of gender equality, the situation is not getting any better. 

How we can see in the graphics we found on McKinsey’s blog there are three points that emerges: 

  1. Whilst in the entry level jobs genders are quite equal represented, for Woman (especially no-white woman) is almost impossible to reach the top level of organizations.
  2. Woman are more subject to burnout than men. 
  3. Woman managers are more effective when an intervention is needed about key factors like: Emotional Support, Well being check, Workload management, Burnout prevention and work-life challenges help. 

Not only a more equal distribution of power in the organizations will be important for woman’s rights, but also for the inner efficiency of organization itself. 

To make this change we need to ignite a cultural change, that starts with a psycho-economic reflection: Corporations will spend less money and make more profit if woman would be at least 50% of the executive board. Why? Because our economic model is specular to our mindset, and every mind has a masculine part and a feminine part. When those part are in harmony, the organism works good and the person is in harmony with environment and society too. We’ll do soon, when Covid.19 pandemic will end in Italy, a workshop about it. For further info:

Source of graphics: 


Gianpaolo Marcucci, President of Human Advisor Project

Questo blog non rappresenta una testata giornalistica in quanto viene aggiornato senza alcuna periodicità . Non può pertanto considerarsi un prodotto editoriale ai sensi della legge n° 62 del 7.03.2001.
L’autore non è responsabile per quanto pubblicato dai lettori nei commenti ad ogni post.Verranno cancellati i commenti ritenuti offensivi o lesivi dell’immagine o dell’onorabilità di terzi, di genere spam, razzisti o che contengano dati personali non conformi al rispetto delle norme sulla Privacy. Alcuni testi o immagini inserite in questo blog sono tratte da internet e, pertanto, considerate di pubblico dominio; qualora la loro pubblicazione violasse eventuali diritti d’autore, vogliate comunicarlo via email. Saranno immediatamente rimossi.L’autore del blog non è responsabile dei siti collegati tramite link né del loro contenuto che può essere soggetto a variazioni nel tempo. This blog is not a newspaper as it is updated without any periodicity. It cannot therefore be considered an editorial product within the meaning of Law No. 62 of 7.03.2001.The author is not responsible for what is published by the readers in the comments to each post. Comments deemed offensive or harmful to the image or good repute of third parties, of spam, racist or that contain personal data that does not comply with the Privacy Policy will be deleted.Some texts or images included in this blog are taken from the internet and, therefore, considered in the public domain; if their publication violates any copyright, please communicate it by email. They will be removed immediately. The author of the blog is not responsible for linked sites or their content which may be subject to change over time.